Introduction
In the first part of the review (click here to read), we have gone through various social myths that have been promoted by alienated intelligentsia as ‘the standard model’ of Indian social history and its thorough rebuttal in this book. After deconstruction of these false narratives, we touched upon the central theme of social dynamism in India– the archetype of yajña and bhakti movement – as the guiding civilizational forces that have shaped Indian social history over millennia. It has pertinently led us to few important queries:
(a) If India’s history is not studded with ‘social revolutions’ and the disruptive model of the West, how did it deal with social stagnations and changes?
(b) If not through violent upheavals and massacres, how Indians have accommodated necessary changes in the social structure?
Or the larger question is: Is there any Indic social model that can help us understand the social dynamism in India, particularly that manages social inclusion and harmony in society?
The Self-realized Souls: The Silent Reformers
Aravindan emphasizes the prominent role of the self-realized souls, as the living embodiment of Indic spiritual tradition, shaping Indian social landscape through their subtle presence; transcending devotees of any rigid social construction. The spiritual transformation of an individual, in the presence of such great saints, naturally deconstructed their social biases and inhibitions. The author claims:
“Thus, bhakti becomes the most potent link of creativity and justice between the society and the individual. It simultaneously affects the individual realization of inner potentials in a creative and transcendentally expansive nature while at the same time challenging the societal status quo, injecting vitality into social emancipation.” (170)
What most of the colonial Indologists and their perverted successors have missed in the Indian social landscape is the presence of these saints in influencing the Indian mind. Their obsession with ‘Brahmins’ and rigid social stratifications have led them to only four-fold classifications of society; neglecting the role of the subtle ‘fifth fold’ existing beyond any social category, though exerting the most powerful influence on Indian Social History. Sri Aurobindo also emphasizes:
“[T]he man of a higher spiritual experience and knowledge, born in any of the classes, but exercising an authority by his spiritual personality over all, revered and consulted by the king of whom he was sometimes the religious preceptor and in the then fluid state of social evolution able alone to exercise an important role in evolving new basic ideas and affecting direct and immediate changes of the socio-religious ideas and customs of the people.” (676)
In the presence of these spiritual giants, society gets infused with renewed vigor and spirit, elevating people and broadened their dominant conceptions. Some of these conceptions are wonderfully decoded through various examples.
The Feet of the Puruṣa& Other Misconceptions
The stigmatizing association of the feet and crematorium ground with untouchables and other lower castes are few such conceptions, unfolded in the proper historical context. The origin of lower jātis from the feet of the Puruṣa has been narrated as the source of discrimination, neglecting the elevation of the feet as the holiest and sacred part of spiritual tradition in India. The most revered ācāryas in India have used the title ‘Bhagavat-pāda’, taking pride in getting associated with the feet of the divine, removing any stigmatization associated with it. The author has also provided examples from the Kṣatriya community taking immense pride in calling themselves ‘a servant of the feet of Bhagavan’. Aravindan explains:
“The motif of Śūdra and River Gaṅgā coming from the sacred feet of Viṣṇu has been a consistent means across the centuries to glorify the Śūdra origin of a ruler and seamlessly transform them into Kṣatriyas.” (256)
Again this must not be construed through western framework of social revolution. On the contrary, it was an organic and natural outcome of spiritual transformation. The author aptly reminds us, while narrating incidence of one of the Azhwar saints:
“Mathurakaviāzhwār, a Brahmin pandit well-versed in Vedas, was considered the counterpart to Nammāzhwār’s feet. This was not a conscious social engineering effort, as it would be seen today. Instead, this was a spontaneous expression of bhakti solidifying into a narrative well-anchored in the Vedic vision of non-discriminatory non-dualism, inherently challenging social stratification and exclusion without even making that its primary objective. Yet its impact is more powerful, pervasive, holistic, and sustaining through centuries than any conscious ‘social revolution’.” (223)
If connotations of the feet get elevated as the holiest of holy, then association of untouchables as ‘walking crematoriums’ was transformed as the most sacred place of Śiva where he ‘stands and dances’, wonderfully illustrated through the story of PeyAmmai, a spiritual giant considered as the ‘Mother of Śiva’. Nothing becomes purer than crematorium ground where everyone merges in divine, also elevating all kinds of menial tasks associated with cremation.
The Yajña Model & Social Occupations
It also proves that Hindu Dharma excludes none. It keeps on expanding its sphere of compassion and empathy for everyone – however inferior jāti or associated tasks that may appear through a worldly lens. In fact, this equanimity also paved the way for uplifting all communities and making them co-creator in social and cosmic yajña. The seemingly menial task of fishing becomes ‘the Yajña of Fishing’, explained through the story of ThirugnanaSambanthar and AthibhathaNayanar, who in their own ways, removed stigmatization of this occupation because of ‘certain ethical excesses’ and ‘strict adherence to non-violence’ of Jains and Buddhists. The author aptly narrates this:
“When Athibhathar threw the fish into the sea, he showed that his work should be seen as a ŚivaYajña. This occupation and hereditary guild, once labelled as defiled and subjected to economic hardships, is now projected as an honourable occupation and a holy Yajña.” (203)
The similar examples with respect to other communities can be multiplied, where defilement of certain occupations led to the social stagnation of a particular community, eventually overcome with the strong foundation of Hindu Dharma. The community of musicians and dancers, once looked down through the lens of ‘world-negating religions’ were uplifted with cosmic vision of oneness, again illustrated through the brilliant life stories of Thiru NilakandaYazhpanar and Thiru Nilanakkar where singing got associated as the divine profession, always found place in the sacred traditions of temples and even homes of ‘orthodox’ Brahmins.
It is these powerful living examples, embedded in the folk memory, that act as the catalyst for social reforms, silently unfolding in all parts of India:
“This represented a social revolution unprecedented in any part of the then-contemporary world. Despite this, it was not even recognized as a social revolution. The significance of a couple from a socially excluded community sleeping in the most sacred space of the ritual and being acknowledged by the Yajña flame had never been seen or acknowledged before.” (206)
Social Emancipation: A Shaivite and Vaishnavite Traditions
A benign act of compassion, arising as a spontaneous spiritual transformation, has been the source of social dynamism in India. It is also reflected, and quite well-known, in the legendary lives of saints from all walks of life. Aravindan provides an apt example of PeriyaPuranam, a 12th century Tamil work, compiling the lives of sixty-three Nāyanmārs:
“Among the sixty three Nāyanmārs, thirteen belonged to the agricultural clan, two to the cowherd clan, twelve to Brähmanās, twelve to the warriors and rulers, four to AdiŚaiva, one to the Vaidhya Māmatrar, one to the potter, one to the landless labourer-quasi serf, six to the trading community, one to the weaver, one to the hunter, one to the fisherman, and one to the washerman. Additionally, three of the sixty-three Nāyanmārs are women, effectively covering the entire spectrum of the society in the literature.” (208)
All these examples prove the axiom of Śaiva community where ‘Dikṣā is given with no discrimination’, leading to spiritual elevation of all, embracing everyone. On the other hand, the Vaiṣṇava community, rooted in the stories of Viṣṇu, Rāma and Kṛṣṇa, also overcome social stagnations through powerful bhakti tradition. It has been grounded in the Śrīmad Bhāgavata Mahāpurāṇa, acting as ‘the spiritual mitochondria of social emancipation’. The book abounds with fascinating stories of saints who challenged the traditional social order: (1) Thirumazhisai Azhwar, hailing from the community of bamboo basket weavers, asking Viṣṇu to leave the city, when the king asked him for the same. In another incident, when Brāhmaṇas, who stopped reciting the Vedas owing to his low caste as he went and sat along with them, could not remember the Vedas and resumed it only after his approval. (2) Nampatuvan, coming from a Panar community, liberated Brahma Rākṣasa, who was Brāhmaṇa in his previous birth.
In this context, the role of Śrī Rāmānujais quite significant, who made ten ‘attributional and analogical distinction’ between orthodox Brāhmaṇas and non-Brāhmaṇa Vaiṣṇavas, elevating the later to the highest pedestal, as they are devoid of arrogance and always immersed in bhakti. Aravindan highlights the contribution of ŚrīRāmānujain the following words:
“Thus, ŚrīRāmānuja should be considered possibly the greatest spiritual emancipator of his time. He initiated a silent but perhaps the most sustained revolution in social emancipation. No other revolution in social emancipation has empowered so many communities over millennia with little to no violence, even in the midst of challenging circumstances such as alien invasions, forceful proselytization, colonial wealth drainage, and imperial subjugation of people. He was able to achieve this without the support of any empire or colonial surplus.” (240)
This is not to denigrate the Brāhmaṇa community, in particular, but to emphasize the primacy of qualities over birth entitlements. At other place, the author mentions the role of Brāhmaṇas in defending the barbaric onslaughts on temples, during medieval times:
“However, historical evidence shows that Brahmins were targeted, and, like other Hindu communities, they were among the main targets in non-Hindu invasions. In these situations, they chose to stand their ground and even accepted death deliberately for the deities they worshipped. This demonstrates that Brahmin rituals involved the adoration of and daily care of the deities rather than Brahmin acting as intermediaries between the devotees and the gods. They were the caretakers of the deities, which is a concept qualitatively different from the idea of ‘priestcraft’.” (243)
It seems that Indian spiritual tradition kept churning out, in every epoch, the great souls who questioned the social stagnation for uplifting all sections of society, removing any prejudices and discriminations. This continued even during mediaeval times, as seen through various examples. An undercurrent of spiritual yearning, also leading to social emancipation, is the only change that was constant. We can take any historical epoch of India, zoom out events and incidences, there is absolute certainty to find examples of such social emancipations.
Social Reformers in Medieval India
In the medieval times, Saint Jñāneśvara asking buffalo to recite the Vaidika Mantras, elucidating the principle of oneness of reality and humbling ignorant sections of society; Saint Nāmadeva lamenting his low birth, making Viṭṭhala to turn round temple wherever he turns; Saint Cokhāmela, from Māhār community, invoking the analogy of Goddess Gaṅgā and Mother Earth as the purifier of all, without any discrimination to remove any feeling of superiority among many; also social elevation of the whole Māhār community through valor and devotion; Saint Caṇḍīdāsa’s love for Rāmī, a washerwoman, turning into spiritual quest and breaking all taboos related to gender discrimination; Caitanya Mahāprabhu’s resuscitation of pastoral tune as divine music, his wandering among all sections of society to share the holy name of God and assimilation of outcaste Buddhist bhikṣus and bhikṣunīs (Neras and Neris) into the fold of Vaiṣṇava tradition.
These heart-touching stories of social harmony and inclusion, grounded in the Vaidika tradition, are brilliant examples of social justice in India, much prior to any ‘progressive’ ideas from the West. They were purely indigenous attempts of reforming society from within; where ‘bhakti saints define dharma more than the śāstras’. These social reforms would have continued, if colonial ideas had not distorted our sense of social dynamism. Aravindan aptly pointed out:
“Here, we see both the effect of the Bhakti movement and the continuing struggles of social emancipation that the movement continues to confront. It was an organic movement for liberation. It is likely that without colonial interference, the ‘outcastes’ could have evolved into a warrior community and eventually secured their rights to enter temples. However, colonialism and modernization changed the situation drastically. The bhakti inspired social emancipation had to operate in a completely changed social milieu with pressing new challenges.” (269)
The Impact of Colonization on Social Harmony
The colonization of India also had another pernicious impact on social harmony, arising from the oppressive tax regimes and de-industrialization of then flourishing small and medium scale industry. The sustainable architect of self-reliant villages – reciprocal distribution, organic division of labor, judicious use of local resources, decentralized guild management–all of themwere adversely impacted, leading to social chaos. Historically, such colonial policies led to various sorts of social conflicts, politically empowering one community over another, creating animosity amongst them. This is one of the foremost reasons for social stagnations in India, an area that has not been properly studied in Indian academia. Aravindan shares the pertinent observation of Iyya Vaikuntar:
“Poisonous demonic (Western) low-natured ones who had been destroying the worlds all around, also destroyed the Dharma of the noble Chānṟōr and transgressed against them. He destroyed their works of charity…. Turning the communities against each other, he destroyed the boundaries of cordiality of the Jāthis.” (344)
The author also shares a poignant observation by Mike Davis, an author of ‘Late Victorian Holocausts’, in this regard:
“Within half a century of the British conquest the village communities were divested of their cohesion and vitality, and they were fragmented into discrete, indeed, antagonistic social groups which had formerly enjoyed an intimate relationship of interdependence.….British policies, however Smithian in intention, were usually Hobbesian in practice. In the case of Gujarat … the new property forms freed village caste-elites from traditional reciprocities and encouraged them to exploit irrigation resources to their selfish advantage” (354)
Iyya Vaikuntar, a charismatic social reformer from Travancore, offered a profound pūrvapakṣa of colonialism in India, rooted in Indic worldview, in fact ‘couched in Puranic language’ and therefore making it accessible to the masses. The way the author has narrated his important contribution in indigenous social reforms makes any Indic seeker go over it again and again. It gives us the glimpse of what it means to bring social reforms in India, touching the heart of every section of society; transforming them from within, without shedding any blood. The author sums up his contribution:
“This movement could be considered one of the earliest, entirely Indic deep criticism of colonial operations and their social manipulations. It differentiated Indic social emancipation from the manipulative colonial ‘reforms’ which superficially appeared to liberate people. Actually, it helped to consolidate colonialism by psychological acceptance of the civilizational superiority of the British. The movement infused the marginalized or disadvantaged communities of South Thiruvithāṅcūr with confidence, coordination, and emancipatory energy.” (349)
In the same section, the contribution of another important social reformers from Kerala was thoroughly discussed: Śrī Nārāyaṇa Guru who is considered as ‘the most sterling instance of how spirituality could affect a tremendous social uplift of an entire community and hence make the whole society more just and more humane’. He emphasized the concept of ‘Svabhāva-Svadharma’ in determining one’s individuality and compared human species as one ‘Jathi’. The author quotes him:
Of a socially excluded woman
was born the great sage
Parāśara in those old days.
And even the sage who
Condensed the Vedic secrets
Into great aphorisms
Was born of the daughter of a fisherman.
Species-wise, does one find,
When considered,
Any difference between man and man?
Is it not that
Difference exists apparently
Only individual-wise? (406)
Nārāyaṇa Guruopened up several temples throughout South India along with Veda Pāṭhaśālā for the study of Vedas and Upaniṣads, rooting his social reforms in Indic ethos. He also played a crucial role in raising awareness about untouchability in Kerala, had decisive influence on other national leaders, including Gandhi, who were advocating the rights of temple entry for all Hindus, without any discrimination.
The Temple Entry Movement
The author has brilliantly highlighted the role of Mahatma Gandhi in this struggle of certain sections of Hindu society to gain entry into temples; it is one of the most important sections of the book. It is a section that every Indic seeker must read to understand the complexity behind the whole issue and role played by several leaders to bring the requisite social reforms. I must admit that I was completely ignorant of this part of Indian history where social stagnation, in the name of orthodoxy and pseudo-scriptures, were justified and every attempt was made to scuttle the temple entry to marginalized and depressed sections of society.
Not only leaders like Nārāyaṇa Guru and Mahatma Gandhi succeeded in opening up entry into temples for all sections of Hindu society, but also defeated the nefarious design of missionaries in converting these Hindus. Hindu society must always remain grateful to these leaders, without them a large section of our society must have got converted into alien faiths, leading to innumerable divisions of society. Aravindan pertinently mentions the words of Natarāja Guru, underscoring the importance of the social works of these national leaders:
“Dayānanda stressed the importance of the Vedic and Aryan virtues of equality; Vivekananda defended Hinduism primarily in the name of mother-worship of Kālī; Gandhi stressed Vaiṣṇava democratic notions in public life; and Tagore sang songs breathing something of the freedom of the Upanishads across modern India—all of them aiming at raising the status of India in the world. The silent Guru of Varkala, sitting on a hilltop at the southern extremity of Mother India, steeped in the silence of non-dual unitive vision, integrated all the contributoryviews and visions into one whole, brought all within the scope of one contemplative Word-wisdom, by which human dignity could be held high everywhere and all mankind become free.” (415)
One must ponder that why these contributions have never been taught in our textbooks, as an indigenous examples of social reforms, rooted in Indic ethos; why Marxist historians always focused on nurturing perpetual conflicts among sections of Hindu society and never on including successful case studies of social harmony and justice, elevating all sections of society. The reason is simple: they never cared about social justice, but only on social upheavals and chaos; eventually using it to gain political power.
Looking at India through the lens of Marxism and its successor ideologies has never given any scope of understanding India’s complex history, through various ups and downs, where colonial invasions broke social harmony and unleashed various forces of social stagnation. The colonial draining of wealth had disastrous impact, leading to impoverishment. The most unfortunate part in this whole saga is, rather than blaming invaders, all faults and guilt were attributed to Hindu society. In fact, the history of India is yet to be written through the perspective of Hindu agonies and suffering; and what wounds it inflicted upon them.
Social Reforms during Freedom Struggle
India suffered social stagnation through colonial interventions, but fought back and resisted through indigenous dhārmika approach. It threw leaders, in such challenging times, who all raised awareness about social changes in Indic mode. The various issues of depressed classes were resolved, which originated due to colonial manipulation, were taken with utmost sympathy by leaders well-grounded in Indic ethos; appealing society through Indic vision of cosmic unity.
The journey of Annie Besant in this regard is quite illuminating; having taken a rigid stance in the beginning about the entry of depressed students in schools due to her colonial approach, she eventually changed her mind and helped in passing a resolution against untouchability. Aravindan notices: ‘It is worth noting that the Hindu social reformers then outshine their British counterparts in their commitment to human equality.’
The various national leaders played an important role in passing a resolution against untouchability, despite resistance from some orthodox quarters. Vitthal Ramji Shinde, Sayajirao Gaekwad, Balgangadhar Tilak were a few important luminaries whose stories are discussed, with all subtle nuances. If Shinde emphasized on modifying the categories that created varṇa distinction, then Gaekwad appealed to raise social awareness about discriminations and countering them with teachings of Bhagavad Gītā, and Tilak’s recognition of a devolution of caturvarṇa in India into a ‘mere birth-based division, forgetting the duties’; and his scholarly commentary on the Bhagavad Gītā removed any misconception regarding individual and varṇa, recognizing caturvarṇaas archetypal division, not Indian exceptionalism; and finally Swami Sahajananda speeches on necessity of opening up temple for Harijan, claiming that no Shastra prohibits this.
An interesting section on inter-caste marriage bill also gives us the dynamic nature of society, wherein orthodox section proclaimed this as the collapse of varṇāśrama dharma. On the other hand, various national leaders promoted the bill to remove the ‘water-tight compartment’ of Indian society. Lala Lajpat Rai supported the bill, challenging the social stagnations in Hindu law because of colonial mindset:
“The Śāstras made ample provision for the legal recognition of these changes. It is the rigidity and absurdity of the Judge-made law of the British Courts that has brought about the existing impasse in the marriage laws of the Hindus. A change such as is contemplated is an absolute necessity. Opposition to it is based on short-sighted partisanship and false notions of Dharma.…It is sheer dishonesty to oppose this reform on the ground of its being dangerous to Varṇāśrama Dharma, while the latter is a mere caricature of its original self. Unless we propose to live forever and ever in our present degraded condition, it is absolutely necessary that our ideas of Varṇāśrama Dharmashould be radically changed. Political democracy is a myth unless it is based on social and economic justice”. (464)
In this context, Sri Aurobindo’s penetrating analysis on the outdated medieval Hindu laws, created as a survival mechanism, and therefore an urgent need of changes in them is worth mentioning:
“In answer to your request for a statement of my opinion on the inter-marriage question, I can only say that everything will have my full approval which helps to liberate and strengthen the life of the individual in the frame of a vigorous society and restore the freedom and energy which India had in her heroic times of greatness and expansion. Many of our present social forms were shaped, many of our customs originated, in a line of contraction and decline. They have their utility for self-defense and survival within narrow limits, but are a drag upon our progress in the present hour when we are called upon once again to enter upon a free and courageous self-adaptation and expansion. I believe in an aggressive and expanding, not in a narrowly defensive and self-contracting Hinduism”. (465)
Hindu Laws: Are they set in stones?
This brings us to the crucial issue of required changes in Hindu laws. Are these laws set in stone, or have dynamism that makes them open and flexible for changes? Can we claim immutability of every aspect of Hindu laws, dictated by primordial scriptures and henceforth not to be touched? Or historically, what brought social stagnations in Hindu laws and how to overcome them when circumstances are changing? Both Lajpat Rai and Sri Aurobindo hinted at the colonial–Islamic and British–impacts on our existing laws, and therefore nothing sacrosanct about them. These changes are not going to disturb the foundation of Hinduism, but will help us get rid of later accretions, not connected to the original spirit of Dharma.
The legendary King of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad III was one of those figures who tried to implement this vision, ushering in what the author has dubbed as ‘the Baroda Model of Social Reforms’. This is one of finest sections to read, wherein Gaekwad’s role as a ruler, reformer and visionary come out prominently; setting wonderful examples of indigenous reform mechanisms.
In all these examples of social reforms, one can see the strong foundation of Dharma as the force of social emancipation overcoming local prejudices and sectarian conflicts. It also involved challenging the so-called immutable aspect of caturvarṇa. The author shares writings of national leaders, engaged in social reforms, proclaiming the devolution of varṇa-jāti, from fluid, open and flexible system into rigid hierarchies of caste. All these leaders were unanimous in asserting the Vaidika and Upaniṣadika wisdom of oneness, stated in the famous mahāvākyas as the true grounding of Sanātana Dharma.
Furthermore, there is an interesting section on the different approaches taken by these leaders. Dr. Ambedkar was eager to have a separate electorate on the lines of religious minorities, while M. C. Rajah always demanded for a joint electorate with reservation to bring social integration. The tireless efforts of MCR for social reforms from within, considering Depressed Classes as no less a Hindus than elite class, set an excellent example for Hindu social justice. In fact, the Rajah-Moonje pact became a cornerstone for further social reforms in India; much ignored in any contemporary social discourse. It is quite remarkable that Dr.Ambedkar’s harshest criticism against Hinduism did not stop him in grounding social reforms only through the Indic approach, reflected in his usage of the Indic concept of Mitra and Brāhmaisminstead of western concept of fraternity and equality.
Hindu Reforms: Social Awareness or Legalization?
The need for raising social awareness instead of solely relying on legal measures for social justice is emphasized by many of these leaders including Gandhi and Rajagopachari; and wherein they succeeded immensely. Aravindan aptly summarizes this unparalleled success, in context of temple entry movement:
“…C. Rājagōpalachāriyār made temple entry by taking into account all dimensions: the social, the peculiar colonial legal stagnation of Hindu law and mentality,, the importance of social emancipation for national liberation, the social harmony achieved without compromising on social justice, the healing of society from the social evil of untouchability, not only by the astute manoeuvres taken by C. Rājagōpalachāriyār with his absolute conviction in social justice but also through the role of constructive, completely justified, aggressive criticism and relentless efforts of M.C. Rājāh. Today, access to temples is taken for granted by all Hindus, but this self-evident democratization of spiritual space was brought about by the greatness of such selfless individuals, all inspired in their own way by Sanātana Dharma.” (575)
These reforms, as stated earlier, had foiled the design of missionaries to convert Hindu masses. The life and work of BabuJagjivan Ram is very important in this regard, the author highlights:
“Jagjivan Ram was clear in his vision. He believed that the Scheduled Castes masses considered themselves Hindus and that they had sacrificed much for the cause of Hinduism. At the same time, he through his organization ‘pressed for special representation in the legislature and in the services in order to enable the Scheduled Castes to raise themselves to the level of the rest of the country’. In February 1936, he passed a resolution at All India RavidasSammelan stating that religious conversion was not a wise decision and that ‘Dalits’/’Harijans’ would remain within the Hindu fold and fight for their rights.” (542)
It is due to his life-time dedication of social upliftment through a dhārmika approach that ‘prevented the conversion movement from gaining traction in Bihar.’
Indic Social Sciences: An Urgent Need
We have seen that, in every epoch of India, the finest minds arose against social stagnations believing in inherent spiritual strength to overcome temporary discriminations. The author vividly captures the spiritual undercurrent coursing through five millennia of India shaping social discourse, embracing every section of society. This book is unparalleled in many respects – –the vast timeline it deals with, the breadth of examples it narrated, the various nuances it highlighted with all grey areas- makes it one of the most profound works of our time. Indeed, it sets the stage for future research on Indic Social Sciences, an area that is still dominated by alien perspectives, having no connection with Indian reality. We must get rid of alien concepts, prevalent in current academia, such as Positivism, Secularism, Structuralism, Post-Modernism etc. that do not help in capturing the social reality of India. Such work is an urgent need for Hindu society, as all policy making at the national and state level is still influenced by core ideas in colonized frameworks of the humanities department.
Aravindan has shown us the way, with massive evidence, to decolonize social sciences in India. In the concluding section, he has pointed out the research of various prominent scholars like Sri Aurobindo, Prem Saran, Nirmal Kumar Bose, McKim Marriot, Ronal Inden etc. that can help in this gigantic task of creating a new paradigm for ‘A Hindu Model of Social Evolution’. The model should be appropriate, organic and drawn from the historical context of India, which captures the inherent dynamism of civilizational complexity. It must look at India through a multidimensional perspective, though grounded in the overarching principle of Dharma, to understand the healthy balance between individual and society, self-development with social prosperity, unifying principles with decentralized structure and economic growth with ecological consciousness.
May Aravindan’s works become a guide for all of us in this direction, with an aim to decolonize the Indian mind and help them discover the original spirit of Sanātana Dharma in service of society!
